William Lilly's Ingress chart in Merlinus Anglicus Junior.
Posted: Wed Nov 08, 2017 9:18 am
I have been reading Dr. Catherine Blackledge's excellent biography of William Lilly ''The Man Who Saw The Future - A Biography of William Lilly The 17th-Century Astrologer who Changed the Course of the English Civil War''
However, I am a little confused by the ingress chart Catherine Blackledge reproduces from William Lilly's first pamphlet Merlinus Anglicus Junior. Blackledge cites Lilly's analysis of this ingress of 1644 as evidence of Lilly's predictive prowess. She reproduces the ingress stating 'England's ingress chart -based on Lilly's original chart for Saturday March 9th 1644 at 9.25pm''
The first chapter of Catherine Blackledge's book, where this ingress chart is reproduced, is on the astro.com site:
To quote her in more detail:
The chart is the second modern style circular chart displayed in the article.
I have reproduced it below:
The problem though as you can see is that this chart still has the Sun in in Pisces! In fact on my software the Sun does not move into Aries until the early hours of Sunday March 10th. Here is the ingress chart I have derived-Old Calendar- for this event. As you can see it gives a completely different chart with Sagittarius rising.
So how could this come about? I am assuming Dr Blackledge is too good a scholar to mix up the chart time displayed by Lilly. And equally, Lilly was undoubtably a highly proficient astrologer. So how do we explain this? I have heard Deborah Houlding explain before it can be very hard reproducing Lilly’s horary charts in modern software.
This was before the adoption of LMT and local solar time would have been used instead. But this wouldn't explain a divergence this wide which runs to hours not minutes.
Another explanation might be related to the astronomical tables Lilly was relying on. Its well known until the end of the 16th century, the most widely used had been the Alphonsine tables, first produced in the 13th century and regularly updated thereafter. These were based on a Ptolemaic, geocentric model of the solar system. Although the Alphonsine tables were not very accurate, for centuries they were the best available so continued to be widely used.
Regiomontanus expressed misgivings about both the Alfonsine and the Toledan Tables. He did not live to produce tables of his own, but did issue almanacs and calendars from his press in Nuremberg. The calendars included the times of new and full moons and eclipses for the years 1475-1531; the almanacs gave mean planetary positions, true positions for the sun and moon, and eclipse times for 1475-1506. Both were extremely popular, and an edition of the almanacs was used by Christopher Columbus.
In 1551, following the publication of De revolutionibus orbium coelestium by Nicholas Copernicus, Erasmus Reinhold produced the Prutenic Tables based on a heliocentric model of the solar system, but these were no more accurate than the earlier tables.
However, by the time Lilly was writing in the 1640s he presumably had access to the far more accurate Rudolphine Tables produced by Johannes Kepler which were first printed in 1627.
So I am still unclear how to explain this wide divergence between the time given by Lilly and the time that shows up in LMT using modern software.
Philosophically, this issue raises the provocative question did Lilly manage to make an accurate and detailed prediction with the wrong ingress chart?
Mark
However, I am a little confused by the ingress chart Catherine Blackledge reproduces from William Lilly's first pamphlet Merlinus Anglicus Junior. Blackledge cites Lilly's analysis of this ingress of 1644 as evidence of Lilly's predictive prowess. She reproduces the ingress stating 'England's ingress chart -based on Lilly's original chart for Saturday March 9th 1644 at 9.25pm''
The first chapter of Catherine Blackledge's book, where this ingress chart is reproduced, is on the astro.com site:
To quote her in more detail:
http://www.astro.com/astrology/in_lilly_e.htmLilly cast a chart for the start of 1644, which in the 17th century began at the spring equinox when the Sun made its entry or ingress into the zodiac sign of Aries. It was important to him that his audience follow his astrological reasoning, so his Chart 2 England's ingress chart for 1644 (based on Lilly's original chart for Saturday 9 March at 9.25pm) pamphlet also included a reference horoscopic chart detailing the meaning of each of the twelve astrological houses, and highlighting, in particular, how readers could differentiate between the fortunes of the King and Parliament.
The chart is the second modern style circular chart displayed in the article.
I have reproduced it below:


This was before the adoption of LMT and local solar time would have been used instead. But this wouldn't explain a divergence this wide which runs to hours not minutes.
Another explanation might be related to the astronomical tables Lilly was relying on. Its well known until the end of the 16th century, the most widely used had been the Alphonsine tables, first produced in the 13th century and regularly updated thereafter. These were based on a Ptolemaic, geocentric model of the solar system. Although the Alphonsine tables were not very accurate, for centuries they were the best available so continued to be widely used.
Regiomontanus expressed misgivings about both the Alfonsine and the Toledan Tables. He did not live to produce tables of his own, but did issue almanacs and calendars from his press in Nuremberg. The calendars included the times of new and full moons and eclipses for the years 1475-1531; the almanacs gave mean planetary positions, true positions for the sun and moon, and eclipse times for 1475-1506. Both were extremely popular, and an edition of the almanacs was used by Christopher Columbus.
In 1551, following the publication of De revolutionibus orbium coelestium by Nicholas Copernicus, Erasmus Reinhold produced the Prutenic Tables based on a heliocentric model of the solar system, but these were no more accurate than the earlier tables.
However, by the time Lilly was writing in the 1640s he presumably had access to the far more accurate Rudolphine Tables produced by Johannes Kepler which were first printed in 1627.
So I am still unclear how to explain this wide divergence between the time given by Lilly and the time that shows up in LMT using modern software.
Philosophically, this issue raises the provocative question did Lilly manage to make an accurate and detailed prediction with the wrong ingress chart?
Mark
